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Peter Brand and Lino Pertile Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , , Atti del convegno, Faenza, maggio , ed. Anna Rosa Gentilini Florence: Farcical passages replete with colloquial phrasing appear alongside passionate theological discourse expressing a strident anti-lutheran viewpoint. The solitarius motif recurs in the Ricordi; laudatory references to Petrarch s words and deeds are scattered throughout. Sabba professed, somewhat disingenuously, that the Ricordi was intended as a conversation with his Hospitaller great-nephew fra Bartolomeo Righi, but its numerous printings in the sixteenth century and its breadth of scope suggest a wider target audience.

The Ricordi underwent three separate editions during Sabba s lifetime , , and Sabba di Castiglione Bologna: Bartolomeo Bonardo da Parma, ; Ricordi overo ammaestramenti di Monsignor Saba da Castiglione cavalier Gierosolimitano, ne quali con prudenti, e Christiani discorsi si ragiona di tutte le materie honorate, che si ricercano a un vero gentil huomo. Con la tavola per alphabeto di tutte le cose notabili Venice: An examination of Sabba s early adulthood provides not only pertinent historical information on the Hospitaller Order but also examines pivotal moments that would define a humanist Italian knight, especially when, in , at the age of thirty-five, Sabba became a Hospitaller commander, accepting a post previously held by his friend Giulio de Medici , the future Pope Clement VII.

He took up residence at the Order s Commenda, or commandery, a district headquarters similar to a feudal estate, in Faenza, Romagna, part of the Papal States. In modern times, Claudio Scarpati and Giancarlo Schizzerotto have broached the subject, the latter republishing the poem in a modern edition. Commanderies, found throughout western Europe, housed the district commanders of knights and provided revenue for Hospitaller fortresses in the Levant. The origin of the term Commenda is unclear and has yet to be established.

Each commandery comprised lodging for a few brethren, a chapel, sometimes a functioning hospice, and often farmland that provided the financial wherewithal.

The commanderies were grouped into districts called priories, themselves grouped into langues, or tongues, corresponding approximately to eight geographical areas of western Europe. The grand master and Hospitaller headquarters were in the Convent, a fortress compound located variously, during the Middle Ages and up to Sabba s epoch, in Jerusalem, Cyprus, Rhodes, and Malta.

Gieronymo Pencio da Lecco, []. Vita e pensiero, , Giancarlo Schizzerotto published it again after a year interlude in his romagnolo literary analysis, Teatro e cultura in Romagna dal Medioevo al Rinascimento: He falls madly in love with her, sinks to despondency, then attempts to take his own life. The goddess Diana appears, convinces him to cease trying to kill himself, and sends him on a perilous journey to a mountaintop where, before the temple of Apollo, Clonico reclaims his lost tranquility.

Thematically, correlations with Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio are obvious; also noteworthy is the observance of a formal bucolic code inherited from Iacopo Sannazaro s Arcadia. True to the tenets of the Hospitaller Order, the Lamento defines the purposeful life, expounding the centrality of pursuing inner spirituality through outward endeavors. My third chapter describes the Knights Hospitaller, and Sabba Castiglione specifically, as members of a military order whose spiritual commitment was akin to that of canons regular.

Hospitaller activities were bifurcated, exhibiting both warlike functions and daily sacred liturgical duties. In the Convent headquarters at Rhodes, the Hospitallers defended the island and fought enemy Ottoman forces nearby on the Anatolian Coast. As commander of a precettoria in Faenza, Sabba helped support the Order in the Levant through administrative work, the yearly raising of funds, and knightly drills.

Josepha Costa Restagno Genoa: Istituto Internazionale di Studi Liguri, , Sabba s Ricordi delineates the Hospitaller Order s daily liturgical practices, as well as a personal regimen to follow. The outlook of its dutiful knights cannot help but be shaped by the Order s canonical nature, including its routine Night Office, familiar hymns and psalms, and oftrepeated tenets. Sabba does not let the reader forget that the knight s military obligation must be soundly complemented by spiritual piety reinforced through daily liturgical practice.

Rules, customs, and sacred monastic vows are the core of what constitutes a Knight Hospitaller. In my fourth chapter, I describe Italian Hospitaller imagery as it pertains to the Commenda s architecture, frescoes, iconography, and inscriptions commissioned by Sabba during his active forty-year role as a managerial knight and patron of the arts. Penitential Hospitaller austerity found expression in the simplicity and functionality of the Commenda s grounds: Marble inscriptions throughout the compound 10 The historian Cristina Dondi has written on the liturgical practices of the military orders, but the information available is scant before the mid-sixteenth century.

Methuen, Reprint, New York: Gerosolimitano e Precettore della Commenda di Faenza. Besides in the Ricordi and letters, Sabba s management of the Commenda is documented in the following extant materials: Olschki, , For a monographic study of Menzocchi, see Francesco Menzocchi: A discussion of Treviso s workmanship is found in Mauro Lucco, Di mano del mio Travisio, pittore certo valente e celebre, in Sabba da Castiglione: In the fifth chapter, the studiolo, or studio, provides a distinct portrait of Sabba by way of a final frontispiece woodcut, revealing the spiritual and intellectual bent of the humanist commendatore.

Ugo Rozzo, in his history of Italian xylography, deems this frontispiece to be remarkable for the mid-sixteenth century both for its Hospitaller imagery and its display of books within the study. He presents an iconographic image of the devout humanist knight who prefers the tranquility of his Commenda to the bustle of the city, a desideratum treasured in antiquity, lost during most of the Middle Ages, then lovingly restored in the fourteenth century to its exalted state by Petrarch in his De vita solitaria.

Salvatore Settis and Donatella Toracca Modena: Franco Cosimo Panini, , For an exhaustive study of the studiolo across epochs, see Wolfgang Liebenwein, Studiolo. Die Entstehung eines Raumtyps und seine Entwicklung bis um , Berlin: Gebr Mann, , translated by Alessandro Califano as Studiolo. Storia e tipologia di uno spazio culturale, ed.

Claudia Cieri Via Modena: For a more particularized study of how the Italian Renaissance scholar was portrayed in his study, with references made to Sabba Castiglione, see Dora Thornton, The Scholar in His Study: Forum, , 90, Petrarch, De vita solitaria, ed. The purely intellectual aspects of his endeavors were expressed by the essential cultural objects of his epoch mentioned in the Ricordi and painted beside his funeral monument: His two last wills and his manual of knightly conduct provide enough information to ascertain that his ideal studiolo was essentially realized: We can better understand how the center evolved -- those literary and historical markers most familiar to us -- by examining individuals who were on the margins.

Research that focuses on the major events of sixteenth-century life can be profitably complemented by study of a courtier-scholar from an isolated region who was not readily susceptible to the blandishments of the urban elite. Sabba s reports of his experiences in Rhodes represent one of the few extant firsthand Italian commentaries on the Levant in the early 20 Petrarch, De viris illustribus, ed.

The subsequent fresco helped engender the cult of the personality in Italy, whereby various political leaders exhibited their intellectual prowess by commissioning or funding architectural and artistic projects. For a thorough explanation of the work s iconographic significance, see Theodor E.

He lived in the Near East when few Europeans did, and in Rome when classical excavations were being conducted at a fever pitch. Sabba s writings are my source for documentation on how religious knights operated in the Aegean and in Rome during the pivotal years leading up to the Protestant schism and the fall of Rhodes.

His two sojourns in Rhodes and produced insightful commentaries on discoveries of antiquities in the Levant that he made half a century after the travels of Cyriac of Ancona.

Many ambitious Renaissance courtiers were attracted to various courts by promises of power and comfort, but Sabba attempted to construct his own microcosm of an idealized court in that isolated setting, replete with the prerequisite glitter and culture, but on a greatly reduced scale.

I have examined recent scholarship on Sabba and the Hospitallers, including that of Anthony Luttrell, Helen Nicholson, Emilio Nasalli Rocca, and Jonathan Riley-Smith, but there has been little in-depth investigation of an Italian commandery. Harvard University Press, Emilio Nasalli Rocca s full bibliography and many significant articles concerning Italian military orders are available in Studi storici in onore di Emilio Nasalli Rocca, ed.

Deputazione di storia patria per le province parmensi, Nicholson provides not only a history of the Hospitallers but also an analysis of their impact on medieval European literature in The Knights Hospitaller Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press, ; and Love, War, and the Grail: Jonathan Riley- Smith is known for his ground-breaking work on the role of the medieval Knights Hospitaller.

See especially The Knights of St. John in Jerusalem and Cyprus, c London: MacMillan, ; and Hospitallers: The History of the Order of St. My hope is that my efforts will provide fruitful lines of further Hospitaller research and help frame issues for future scholarly discussion. Stefano Casanova, ; Anna Rosa Gentilini edited the proceedings of a conference devoted to Sabba, setting the groundwork for an interdisciplinary approach to studying him, in Sabba da Castiglione: The Biblioteca Comunale Manfrediana di Faenza was also very helpful in providing me copies of original manuscripts of the Ricordi as well as letters written by Sabba.

John of Jerusalem who composed an exceedingly popular sixteenth-century manual of conduct for knights, the Ricordi, which provided essential information regarding the Order s rules and observances.

In his manual, Sabba also described indiscretions of his early years, furnishing object lessons for young knights perusing his book. Yet many details of his origins and early life in Milan, Pavia, Mantua, Rhodes, and Rome remain shrouded in mystery; the information available is fagmentary and sometimes contradictory.

Using Sabba s Ricordi, last will, and letters for firsthand information regarding his youth, along with safely ascertained secondary sources regarding his life as a student, courtier, knight, and diplomat, one can delineate the arc of events that led to Sabba da Castiglione s forty-year tenure as preceptor of the Hospitaller commandery at Faenza and his rise to prominence as a poet, humanist scholar, and mentor.

There is no reliable record of his mother. Two problematic, undocumented renditions of Sabba s parentage are provided by Vincenzo Ranieri and Carlo Castiglioni. Both authors propose Livia Alberici of Pavia as Sabba s mother, while Carlo Castiglioni says that the father was Giovanni di Francesco da Castiglione, made a Milanese senator by Massimiliano Sforza in From until his death in Pompeo Litta composed genealogical trees of various noteworthy Italian families in the Famiglie celebri italiane.

The Castiglioni di Milano are given five separate genealogical trees, which oftentimes name spouses and specify professions. Therein information about Sabba is incomplete -- there is no mention of his youth -- and sometimes inaccurate.

While two siblings are mentioned, Faustina who married Francesco Mantegazza and Gian Enrico, ascritto nel al notariato, Sabba s mother s name is notably absent. A Bartolomeo Castiglione, the name of the only putative progeny of the three siblings, appears in Sabba s Ricordi and his two testaments identified as a great nephew, fra Bartolomeo Righi Castiglione, the supposed grandson of Faustina Castiglione and son of 1 Sabba s baptismal namesake, Saint Sabbas of Palestine , whose feast day is observed on December 5, exerted a considerable influence in the structure of hermitages, and he oversaw four hospices and six monasteries outside Jerusalem.

Sabba Castiglione, Ricordi ovvero ammaestramenti, ed. Vincenzo Melandri, , 14; Carlo Castiglioni, Un maestro di spirito per cavalieri: Pompeo Litta, Famiglie celebri italiane. Volume primo del conte Pompeo Litta, 3 vols.

The text contains no pagination and is essentially an undocumented genealogical compendium of historical Italian families. Sabba s early years from about to were probably spent in Milan, during the rule of Ludovico il Moro , which lasted until One commentary, written in , claims that Sabba studied in Milan at the scuola del Telesio, but Bernardino Telesio was not born until , at a time when Sabba was almost thirty years old and returning from his first sojourn in Rhodes, thus such remarks are unfounded.

By the end of the fifteenth century, offspring of many wealthy and ambitious Italian families studied Greek. Sabba s cousin Baldassarre Castiglione , for example, left Mantua to study Greek in Milan in the s. Baldassarre s correspondence with his mother describes his desire to have his son Camillo instructed in Greek.

Baldassarre Castiglione, Lettere inedite e rare, ed. Ricciardi, , By pooling their money and hiring laymen or clerics, they would form independent, so-called communal and Latin schools and, in rare instances before the Counter Reformation, church schools.

Sabba was himself probably schooled at home by relatives or in such a neighborhood classroom, a benefit he he was able to offer to needy adolescents during his years as a Hospitaller preceptor in Faenza.

The sententiae from Cicero s works dominated the practice of rote memorization from the classics. One cannot overestimate the importance of education in the Renaissance. The extraordinary political, social, economic, and even linguistic diversity -- divisiveness would be the better term -- threatened to pull the peninsula apart at any moment. But schooling united Italians and played a major role in creating the Renaissance. Humanistic pedagogues developed a new educational path very different from education in the rest of Europe in the early fifteenth century.

Stefano Casanova, , In Sabba established his Scuola di Lettere, a free Latin school for thirteen students, the number of pupils commemorating Christ and the apostles. Sabba s school would continue to exist in some form until See Piero Zama, Le istituzioni scolastiche faentine nel Medioevo Milan: Literacy and Learning, Baltimore: They shared a common rhetoric. And they drew from the same storehouse of moral attitudes and life examples learned in school Whether Sabba was taught at home or attended a Milanese Latin school, the focus would have been on grammar and readings of Ianua, Guarino, and Cato, followed by closer readings of Cicero, Virgil, Terence, and Caesar.

The latter authors were the core of the humanistic curriculum by the end of the fifteenth century, although teachers had a multitude of classical authors from whom to choose. Students often learned Cicero s letters for rhetoric; Virgil for poetry; and Caesar, Valerius Maximus, and Sallust for history. Terence, Horace, and Ovid were frequently included, and Homer may have been added in Latin translation.

For the sake of practicality and to staff an efficient bureaucracy, such students were beginning to be educated to become court humanists, expected to write letters and compose treatises as secretaries, diplomats, and courtiers. Opera certo piuttosto di un Demostene o di un Cicerone, che di un dottor di leggi! Tullio [Cicerone] di Platone: Si Iuppiter locutus fuisset, non aliter locutus fuisset quam Plato [If Jupiter had spoken, he would not have spoken differently than Plato].

Per essere voi cavaliere di S. Tullio [Cicerone], perché di quella e di questo sono tanto più degni ed eccellenti, quanto quelli furono opere composte da puri e semplici uomini, e questi dati e promulgati per la propria bocca e viva voce di N.

Gesù Cristo, vero Dio e perfetto uomo e sapienza del padre eterno. Dante is but one of many authors who couple the fame of the ancient writers with human frailty. The fusion of pagan and Christian elements would have posed dilemmas for anyone, let alone an introspective Hospitaller Knight such as Sabba. Thus, Sabba intersperses his manual with content seguendo la opinione di 16 Agostino, ornamento della Chiesa, e del mio Seneca.

Sabba s later writings draw repeatedly on Seneca for examples. It was natural for Sabba to salute Seneca: Seneca, in Sabba da Castiglione: His later writings appear to have been intended for Hospitaller Knights versed in the vernacular but not necessarily in the humanities. His vernacular text is interspersed with historical anecdotes, apologies, and parables.

Both wills contain detailed biographical commentary pertaining to his youth and his experiences as a young knight in Rhodes and Rome. Faenza, maggio , ed. Gli giudici poi non dico delli buoni e integri perché gli garbugli fanno per loro, vedono volontieri e accarezzano e favoreggiano gli ingarbugliatori e strafogliatori, perché fanno buona e mantengono la bottega. Expressing his dearth of passion and ambition for studying law, Sabba cannot resist invoking the stereotype of a profession sometimes seen as composed of mercenaries lacking a moral compass.

His assessment of the profession was not original; such sentiments existed in the Trecento in Boccaccio s and Petrarch s attacks on lawyers and the study of law. Its most famous professors taught law, and Pavia ranked behind only Bologna and Padua in the number of faculty and students enrolled in legal studies.

Agostino, founded in by Sabba s 22 S. Castiglione, Ricordi, For Petrarch s views on lawyers, see Le familiari Vittorio Rossi and Umberto Bosco, 4 vols. Rerum senilium libri Bernardo, Saul Levin, and Reta A. Johns Hopkins University Press, , 2: For Boccaccio s criticism of law, see Genealogiae Stephen Orgel New York: The possibility that Sabba may have received financial assistance at Pavia, as well as the fact that he later became a Knight Hospitaller and that he subsisted in great part upon the benefices of the Roman Curia, attest to the exigencies of his Milanese patrician class as well as to the resourcefulness and keen ambition of Sabba s immediate family.

From the end of the fifteenth century until the solidification of Spanish dominion in Lombardy during the mids there were perpetual political upheavals in Milan, at the time the largest city in Italy. Consequently, there was a great disruption of the patronage system for patrician families like the Castiglione. Scholasticism was prevalent during Sabba s time at the University of Pavia, where legal instruction at the beginning of the sixteenth century was grounded in ancient Roman law.

From the Roman Corpus juris civilis there developed additional medieval commentary -- emanating especially from Bologna -- that essentially dismantled and reconstructed texts. Comprehension and reasoning mattered more than style. In the Cinquecento, a student would list the affirmative and negative views and then resolve the contradictions dialectically. Thus, Sabba applied Scholastic methodology to perhaps both civil and canon law, attempting to create universal legal principles.

Università di Pavia, , During the twentieth century the collegio was renamed the Collegio Universitario Castiglioni Brugnatelli, which today offers lodging and extensive amenities for female students.

Bartolus of Sassoferrato and Baldo degli Ubaldi ca guided Italian jurisprudence with fourteenth-century tenets that reconciled Roman law with contemporary legal thinking. Both authors attributed great authority to the ruler and emphasized the status of persons and their property, the distinction between public and private, and the principle of seeking equity when necessary.

Sabba s rhetorical writing and speaking skills would have been buttressed by readings pertaining to civil law such as the Digest and Codex of Justinian, the Libri authenticorum a collection of imperial laws compiled in the sixth century , and Libri feudorum customs and practices of feudal law.

This so-called Virgilio Ambrosiano is adorned with a miniature by Simone Martini from Sabba s expansive account in the Ricordi of Martini s Virgilian bucolic image is itself a sign of the burgeoning codification of artistic representation during the mid-sixteenth century: Che essendo io giovane e dando opera alle leggi in Pavia, tra le altre cose belle, preziose e rare che erano in essa libraria [del Castello di Pavia], vidi e più volte l ebbi in mano, e certo non senza riverenza, il Virgilio in pergameno di esso M.

Francesco [Petrarca], ove nel principio in una carta da un canto era scritto di sua mano quella epistola che 28 See Grendler, Universities, Ibid. In fondo del foglio di una lettera più minuta, pur di mano del medesimo, gli era scritto: Dall altro canto del foglio di figure della grandezza quasi d un sommesso, ma molto belle, delicate e ben finte, gli era un pastore che mongeva una pecora o capra che fosse, a canto a questo gli era un contadino che con un ronciglione potava una vite.

Di sotto a questo gli era uno Enea armato, in piede appoggiato ad un asta; a lato a questo gli era un Servio, il quale con la man destra levando una cortina, con la sinistra accennava Virgilio, il quale, colcato in terra sopra l erbe verdi e fiorite, con la destra mano pontellava la guancia e il mento e nella sinistra tenea un calamo, tutto pensoso e quasi astratto.

Da basso scritto, gli era pur di sua mano, ma di lettera più grossetta: Sena tulit Simonem digito qui talia pinxit [Siena produced Simone who painted with his finger such things] Sabba s summation of the Martini miniature is instructional for its allusion to Virgil s three masterpieces: Aeneidos, Bucolica, and Georgica. There is iconography within the iconography, as Sabba intermingles comments about his legal studies in Pavia with his devotion to the father of humanism.

He even evokes a lofty identification of himself in relation to Petrarch, a compatriot who had lived abroad and studied law, had been enamored of Cicero s writings and sought solace through the study of classicism and, ultimately, had given up the law for more altruistic, humanistic pursuits. Through Petrarch, a rudimentary yet vital link is established with a previous world, a continuum of the medieval experience that stretches back to antiquity. His leave-taking involved the kind of frivolous behavior that had become a rite of passage for authors of his epoch to reminisce about in later accounts.

As befitting a Knight Hospitaller, the older Sabba merely alludes to his earlier pursuit of women: Essendo io giovane nella città di Pavia allora felicissima e famosissima in lettere, trovandomi a caso ad una solenne festa, ove erano molte donne nobili, virtuose e belle, da alcune di loro con molta istanza fui ricercato a dire qual fosse la vera bellezza della donna.

Sabba s strong affinity for Gian Cristoforo is noted by a third party shortly after the friendship had been struck. The artist became an immediate source of inspiration: Io trovai in Rodi uno giovene da Castiglione il cui nome non ho in memoria. Mi disse che alla tornata mia mi darebbe certe cose antiche da portare alla Signoria di Madama: Questo tale è grande amico di Cristofalo scultore. These influences set Sabba on a vocational path that would sustain him financially for the rest of his life.

Sabba abruptly left Mantua in summer , then suddenly resurfaced in the eastern 32 S. Stefano Casanova, , 3. The Ricordi introduction states that Sabba became a Knight Hospitaller on August 5, , personally assisted in the ceremony by his Italian compatriot and mentor, then Hospitaller Admiral and future Grand Master Fabrizio del Carretto ca.

Reverendissimus Dominus frater Sabbas olim Ioannis de Castiliono mediolanensis, eques hierosolimitanus et comendator seu praeceptor 34 S. These introductory remarks al pio sincero e candido lettore, that is, to the pious, sincere and pure reader, are later included in the , Paolo Gherardo definitive third edition of the Ricordi: Lettor mio dolce, soave e caro, vale, e prega N.

Dio per fra Sabba peccator, vecchio, infermo e solitario. Ioannis Baptiste ordinis hierosolimitani in civitate Rhodi sub die quinta mensis augusti anni a Reverendissimo et Illustrissimo fratre Fabricio de Carreto Within the span of one summer in , Sabba Castiglione went from student life in Pavia to an instructive sojourn among nobility in Mantua, followed by a sudden journey to the Anatolian coast, where he joined the Hospitaller knighthood, becoming a member of a multinational armed religious order fighting Ottoman Turkish expansion in the eastern Mediterranean.

Officially known as the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, the Hospitaller Order was founded in Jerusalem at the end of the eleventh century, shortly before the First Crusade commenced in , as a means to provide care for weary travelers, the poor, and the sick. By the mids the Hospitallers had assumed military responsibilities and established codes of conduct for all brethren stationed in Europe or the Levant.

Elias Kollias makes clear that the knights residing in Rhodes during the early sixteenth century were under intense pressure to safeguard, reinforce, and repair the various fortifications on the island and on the Anatolian mainland and that the knights 36 S. Castiglione, I due testamenti, 4: The most reverend lord fra Sabba, son of John da Castiglione, of Milan, Knight Hospitaller and Commander or rather a most worthy Preceptor for the Preceptories of the city of Faenza and of Meldola, who as he asserts forty-four years ago obtained the habit and the insignia of knight of the sacred religion of St.

John the Baptist of the Hospitaller Order in the city of Rhodes, on the fifth day of the month of August of the year , from the most reverend and illustrious fra Fabrizio del Carretto. Probably no more than three hundred knights and circa five to seven thousand mercenary forces were present in Rhodes during the last years before the fateful Ottoman Turkish siege, which would result in defeat and the expulsion of the vastly outnumbered knights from Rhodes.

And few of the knights, who were typically younger sons of minor nobles, were literate or cultured; most were unable to enjoy the classical and to a lesser extent Byzantine surroundings. Aviso adunque a quella come qua a Rode glie sonno molte sculture excellentissime et presertim [specialmente] in nel giardino de lo Illustrissimo et Reverendissimo Monsignor Gran Mastro [Emery d Amboise], le quale per non essere cognosciute sono sprezate, vituperate et tanto tenute a vile che iaceno scoperte al vento, a pioggia, a neve et a tempesta, le quale miseramente le consumano et guastano.

Unde io mosso a pieta de la lor crudel sorte, non altramente se in tal stato veduto avessi le insepulte ossa del mio patre, io feci ex improviso un sonettaccio quale mando a la Signoria Vostra et apiccailo al collo a una de quelle statue.

The Palace and the City Athens: Ekdotike Athenon, , See Vincent J. He makes self-effacing comments regarding his own poetic endeavor, the sonetaccio unfortunately lost to posterity. In the same letter one finds Sabba s testimony regarding the safety and transportation of antiquities to Isabella from Rhodes, Kos until a Hospitaller island stronghold just to the north , and Bodrum a small promontory on the Anatolian mainland northeast of Kos: By October , Sabba was in communication with the Hospitaller captain at St.

Peter s Castle, having heard of a sumptuous underground sarcophagus not a part of the main Mausoleum of Mausolus s tomb chamber carved with a hunt of nymphs and many different animals, all of one 26 marble piece. Unable to bring back any of the newly 27 discovered ancient Greek sarcophagus or a marine monster statue neglected by Hospitaller officials on Rhodes, Sabba complained voiceforously of having been blocked on both sides of the Mediterranean by unscrupulous individuals: Et ultra el detto monstro, io frate Sabba, senza saputa alcuna del Reverendissimo Gran Mastro, invio a la Vostra Signoria tre teste di marmo tutte insieme aùte da l insula di Lango alias Cos et puramente un corpo di marmo senza braccia, testa et gambe aùto dall insula de Delo, le quale cose se non sono come la Vostra Signoria merita et come io desideraria, quella, avendo rispetto al mio bon volere, si degnarà de accettarle di bono animo et di buono core.

Peter s Castle in Bodrum; a marble torso sculpture without limbs or head found in Lindos, Rhodes; one damaged torso sculpture from Naxos and another from Delos; and the legnio torto, a type of aloe wood artifact. He signed the letter de frater Sabbas Castalius, his pseudonym evoking the mythological inspirer of poets, Castalia.

Castalia was a nymph that Apollo turned into a fountain in the Delphic sanctuary at the foot of Mount Parnassus; her role was to inspire poetry for those who drank from her source or quietly listened to the gushing waters. Henry Nettleship and J. Gramercy, , In his letters especially, one finds a glimmer of gaiety -- even playful self-deprecation -- in the midst of the geopolitical turbulence attending his deployments to Rhodes as well as the theological agitation rampant during his tenure in Faenza.

But despite occasional levity, Sabba s temperament is more often austere or even melodramatic, befitting the times and the personal gravitas of an erudite antiquarian and knightly preceptor. Del Carretto s job was to promote the Order s interests before the Curia. Sabba s last extant letter to Isabella d Este, dated July 15, , described his relief upon being transferred to Italy: Of greatest interest to us, however, are the Knights Hospitaller depicted in this fresco panel; white crosses on their scarlet surcoats distinguish them from the others.

The one clearly recognizable knight is Fabrizio del Carretto, Sabba s mentor. The fresco shows del Carretto s hand clutching a rosary with a Maltese cross at its end, the rosary and cross together distinctive symbols of the Hospitaller grand masters.

In Faenza, he composed his Ricordi, wherein he denounces the institutional excesses of the papal courtiers by way of sarcastic and parodic depictions. This curiale Babilonia is castigated for its opulence and hypocrisy, and the pretensions of its ecclesiastical aristocracy i. Chi è prudente al mondo? The fresco also depicts the Fifth Lateran Council , and more specifically a conclave in which Leo X confirms the Unam Sanctam papal bull -- originally crafted by Boniface VIII in sanctioning papal spiritual supremacy.

One of the earliest Hospitaller historians, Iacomo Bosio, states that Fabrizio del Carretto was occasionally away from Rome on diplomatic missions, at which times Sabba acted as his proxy by petitioning the pope or the sacred college of cardinals in person. See Bosio, Dell istoria della sacra Religione et illma. Stamperia Apostolica Vaticana, , Finalmente aiutato dalla sua buona disgrazia e sciagura, protonotario e, tandem, vescovo in Abruzzo e ora, per passare più avanti, studia tutto il giorno come un cane l epistole del beato Paolo, e Dio sa se lo sa poeta quae pars est.

Sabba s indignation is hardly less than Martin Luther s, but he would battle the Reformation vigorously. His sentiments perhaps presage the Counter Reformation, which exposed the papacy s excesses while correcting them.

He had lived in Rome for over seven years as legal aide-de-camp to Fabrizio del Carretto. From this experience, Sabba formulates a farcical caricature of the Roman court, sometimes whimsical and anecdotal ricordi 32 and 69 , sometimes scathing ricordi 72, 73, 74, and Maxims dedicated to courtly life are plentiful throughout: When Sabba lashes out at the wickedness of the prelates in the Church, it sometimes seems in reaction to the wounding of his immense pride in the institution s Italian heritage and his dismay at its current plight.

Santa Cortesi describes Sabba s anticlerical stance: La polemica antiereticale presente nei Ricordi, tesa a preservare il patrimonio culturale oltre che dottrinale messo in discussione da Lutero, 51 S. The Latin phrase Servus servorum Dei, servant of the servants of God, is an epithet used for the pope. Salutati, Bruni, Bracciolini, Valla ne erano stati significativi esponenti. L anticurialismo di Sabba si fa particolarmente caustico quando punta i suoi strali contro l opulenza, la pompa degenere e corrutrice del cardinalato, che costituisce l aristocrazia ecclesiastica.

Efficacissimo in proposito R Quali sono stati gli uomini grandi al mondo, in cui l esaltazione della figura ascetica di S. Girolamo si contrappone ai cardinali ricchi di entrate This pomposity is widespread.

The idyllic rendition of courtly life by his cousin Baldassarre includes questionable characters who, in the carefree manner of the epoch, became archbishops and cardinals. These accessions are noted at the beginning of Book IV of Il libro del cortegiano: Ché, come sapete, messer Federico Fregoso fu fatto arcivescovo di Salerno; il conte Ludovico, vescovo di Baious; il signor Ottaviano, duce di Genova; messer Bernardo Bibbiena, cardinale di Santa Maria in Portico; messer Pietro Bembo, secretario di papa Leone [and eventually cardinal].

Both authors discuss the courtly system in depth and detail, and both authors mention numerous mutual acquaintances. And they were distant relatives from the same patrician class with the same family name. Perhaps pride, animosity, or modesty prevented Sabba from ever mentioning Baldassarre in any of his works, including the Ricordi, which was first published in , eighteen years after Baldassarre died Atti del Convegno, Faenza, maggio , ed.

Olschki, , Baldassarre Castiglione, Il libro del cortegiano, ed. Mursia, , As Carlo Ossola points out, the court system is perpetually transforming and reformulating itself, from classical times to the present. A humanistic education and an appreciation of the classics did not necessarily clash with acceptance of orthodox theological precepts in mid-sixteenth-century Italy.

The afterlife and its attainment were then a source of constant preoccupation. Disagreements from the late s onwards about grace and free will were two of the major issues separating the Protestant and Catholic camps, alongside their disagreements about sacraments and papal authority. The extent of the temporal powers of the Vatican had occasionally been questioned before the Cinquecento. Its boundaries in central Italy became the main topic of dispute as the sixteenth century began.

The pope was a Catholic prince, primus inter pares, although this dynamic was beginning to shift as well, for the little fiefdoms of the city-states were being realigned internally and foreign forces had begun attacking the peninsula. As Fernand Braudel eloquently states: Alors surgissent des groupes plus larges, monstrueux: Autrement, comment désigner ces monstres?

En , ce n est plus seulement le royaume de France qui intervient au-delà des monts, mais un Empire français, rêvé il est vrai. Or, il n y a pas d Empire sans mystique, et dans l Europe occidentale, hors de cette mystique de la croisade, entre terre et ciel.

L exemple de Charles Quint le prouvera bientôt Sabba expressed patriotic concern for the regional political strife perturbing Italy. Like Dante and Petrarch, Sabba embraced a cultural identity that bound disparate people together on the peninsula. The three editions of Sabba s Ricordi were written between the mids and mids, and the comments on the Curia in them reflect the early influences of the Paul III-inspired Council of Trent.

Sabba expresses a wary sense of always facing uncharted waters while cognizant of past upheavals that had tested the Italian psyche to its core. He works within the spiritually retrenched confines of an Italian patrician class that urgently seeks resolution to its generational crisis.

Sabba had declined the official patronage of the Roman Curia even at a young age when his future professional success was by no means guaranteed. In , Sabba had also declined the opportunity to serve as personal secretary to the newly elevated Pope Clement VII, himself a Hospitaller Knight and former preceptor of the Commenda faentina. He had already established himself as preceptor of the Faenza commandery and had no apparent intention of ever returning to the courtly world of major urban centers.

Armand Colin, , 2: Sabba maximized all of his professional abilities by creating a solitarius lifestyle conducive to his predilections within his Order, an organization that was still powerful and respected.

Protestant reformers rejected religious orders and disbanded them. The European knighthood and especially the Crusades were widely disparaged in later centuries, both portrayed as cruel, wasteful, and corrupt. The history of the Hospitallers, however, does not conform to that image. Jonathan Riley Smith describes the military order ethos as sui generis, in which the prevailing mood remained penitential, and austerity was the dominant feature of knightly life: Five centuries later [during the sixteenth century], the fact that the Hospitallers had never lost touch with their obligations as nurses contributed in a major way to their salvation, unlike the Templars.

Festschrift for Anthony Luttrell, ed. Ashgate, , Ironically, such an entity was founded concurrently with Sabba s move to the Faenza preceptory, as a remedy to the general ineffectiveness of existing Catholic institutions in combating the Reformation.

This vacuum of Catholic leadership helped foster Ignatius of Loyola s Jesuit Order during a twenty-year period from the spiritual awakening of its leader to the legitimization of the Jesuit Order with the papal bull, Regimini militantis ecclesiae. Working alongside the decrees of the Council of Trent of the s and s, the Society of Jesus was able to proselytize successfully in the latter half of the sixteenth century throughout Europe.

Ignatius wrote the Jesuit Constitution in , the same year as Sabba s death, as an attempt to delineate precise rules for his Order to observe and to shield it from accusations resulting from its precocious success.

For an interesting study describing gentlemen knights like Ignatius of Loyola who eventually pursue military objectives for the greater glory of God, see Mario Domenichelli, Cavaliere e gentiluomo: Origins and Topography 35 The humble origins of the Commenda faentina are traceable to a 19 March document cited by Giovanni Benedetto Mittarelli in Monumenta Faventina: Information regarding the early history of the Commenda di Santa Maria Maddalena della Magione del Borgo Durbecco di Faenza is scant, but Emilio Roberto Agostinelli has summarized its original topography.

In the twelfth century it was a simple church with a single nave whose entrance was on the northwestern side, with the apse on the southeastern edge of the property.

Later a perpendicular, right angle quadrangular construction on the side farthest from via Emilia, on the western edge of the Hospitaller property, formed an L-shape whose corner pointed towards Jerusalem and provided a protective buffer whose inward frontal construction faced the city and walls of Faenza, about two hundred meters away.

A second L-shaped construction adjoining the 60 Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Ad scriptores rerum italicarum Muratorii accessiones historicae faventinae. Prodeunt nunc primum opera et studio J. Deputazione di Storia patria per l Emilia e la Romagna 3: Rivalta, La Chiesa della Commenda di Faenza, An arched portico three meters wide flanked the eastern edge of the nave, only a few centimeters from the edge of the via Emilia.

On the southeasterly side, adjoining the apse was a rectangular bell tower over five stories high; the westerly border of the nave projected onto a quadriportico, the symmetric columned porticoes on all four sides surrounding a courtyard with a central cistern, the southerly edge of which was completed under Sabba s patronage in the late s, and the back of which faces the Levant, to the southeast. The Hospitaller presence in Faenza was modest before Sabba s tenure, receiving scant notice in extant documentation, where the focus begins with Sabba s presence and his renovations of the Hospitaller compound: Ma colui che diede un nuovo volto alla chiesa e ai fabbricati annessi fu Fra Sabba della famiglia Castiglioni, o come dicesi comunemente da Castiglione, che prendeva possesso della Commenda del Borgo Durbecco nel From its concrete thirteenth-century Romanesque origins, the Commenda church appears to have had its ceiling height almost halved to an elementary barrel vault that is still in place.

Sabba was on duty in Rhodes or Rome in when he was appointed preceptor; he arrived in Faenza in , after his second tour in the Levant was completed. Faenza was a provincial city in Romagna under the dominion of the Manfredi family during the fifteenth century, until Cesare Borgia s conquests in the early s caused it to revert to his rule. Faenza s citizens subsisted on the fertile agricultural land surrounding it, while enjoying a lucrative trade in majolic ceramics renowned throughout Europe.

Borgia, however, broke his word and sent him as a prisoner to Rome and eventually ordered his drowning in the Tiber River. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, ,. Machiavelli s depiction of Romagna as essentially lawless, dangerous, and perpetually torn by internal strife provoked by competing feudal claims -- including those of the Faenza Manfredi clan -- became a lasting stereotype of this region for subsequent historians. That image was reinforced by Francesco Guicciardini s depiction of personal experiences there, as told in his masterful twenty-volume Storia d Italia, which covers the pivotal years Guicciardini was a direct beneficiary of the Medici popes largesse, appointed by Leo X in governor of Modena and the following year governor also of Reggio Emilia.

He was made president of the papal province of Romagna in by Clement VII, with the express purpose of pacifying the turbulent region torn by factional strife.

In he became lieutenant general of the papal army, encamped mainly throughout Emilia-Romagna during the s, quelling provincial dissent. Upon relinquishing his presidency, Francesco warned Iacopo that Romagna was difficult to subdue and manage, requiring constant diligent oversight and a firm hand to maintain discipline. Francesco Guicciardini s written Istruzione delle cose di Romagna a suo fratello Iacopo seems meant not only for a loyal brother but also for posterity, should he be reproached at a later date.

Cellini, , Non ha poco né facile peso chi ha il governo di questa provincia, perché oltre male natura degli uomini e le triste condizioni delle parzialità, e l non potere essere presente sempre in ogni luogo, e avere per questo a maneggiare il più delle faccende per mano de ministri, causa molti disordini; se una esatta e assidua diligenza del superiore non vi provvede, e se etiam non si vendica tanta riputazione e di.

Those seeking voyage to the Holy Lands in the late Middle Ages often traveled on foot not only to Ancona or Brindisi but also to Rimini; those travelling from northeast Italy the Veneto to Rome on pilgrimages likewise often crossed the Romagna territory.

As these itineraries indicate, the routes taken by the pilgrims relied heavily on the road-building initiative of ancient Rome, and the distribution of stopping-places bears the millennial imprint of the imperial system. On the Via Emilia especially one can trace the regular spacing of small towns that grew up round the old mutationes or staging posts, placed at intervals of seventeen to twenty Roman miles.

Typically the hospices of the Order of St. John were built at the east gate of the town and bore the name of St. John de Ultramare, to signify that they served the travellers to Jerusalem, rather than the growing number who sought the tomb of St. Others were in the country, at difficult points on the road such as volere e di sapere fare bene, e di potere difficilmente essersi ingannato, e che le faccende tutte dependino da lui, che gli uomini gli abbino rispetto, e lo temino come se fussi sempre presente.

Faenza è città quieta, perché non vi è nessuno capo eccessivo sopra gli altri E in ogni occorrenza mi sono ingegnato tenergli satisfatti, perché Città da mantenersi amica per le vicinità delle cose di Toscana; e perché in uno accidente non si potrebbe fare conto alcuno di Città di Romagna, se non di questa.

Guicciardini had a predilection for Faenza, residing in Faenza proper for virtually all of ; Guicciardini spent more nights in this city than any other during his tenure as president of Romagna. Deputazione di Storia Patria per l Emilia e la Romagna: Edizioni Moderna, , The care of Hospitaller estates was awarded to a privileged few within the ranks, either those of high birth like the future Clement VII or knights who had performed admirable service during a caravan tour of duty like Sabba Castiglione.

The Faenza property, once the honorific Knight Hospitaller abode of a Medici cardinal, was a venue granted only to an individual held in high esteem by the Medici family as well as by the Hospitaller Order. The appointment of Sabba as preceptor in January occurred during the first Medici papacy, that of Leo X, , at a time this pope was promoting his friends and family to key posts, including ones formerly held by his Medici cousin Giulio, who preceded Sabba as preceptor of the Faenza commandery and, as Clement VII, would visit Sabba during two sojourns in Faenza.

Yale University Press, , As is typical with modern Italian roads, the Commenda faentina does not actually rest beside the socalled via Emilia, but on the Corso Europa between the river and the Commenda and to its immediate right begins the via Forlivese, which will go on for another one or two hundred meters before another name is given to the ancient road. Adding to the confusion, the tiny square beside the Commenda s facade has inherited its own legal address: Rossetti Vescovo di detta Città Faenza: Gioseffo Zarafagli, reprint, Bologna: Forni, , Angelo alla incoronzaione di Carlo V in S.

Petronio, Strenna storica bolognese 33 See also Giancarlo Schizzerotto, who succinctly states the following papal visits in Teatro e cultura in Romagna dal Medioevo al Rinascimento: Edizioni della Rotonda, , Il 22 ottobre Clemente VII, diretto a Bologna per incontrarvi Carlo V, lo visitava nella Magione e lo rivedeva una seconda volta al ritorno dalla capitale emiliana l undici aprile Francesco Lanzoni confirms the two visits by Clement VII and states there was a February visit by Paul III to Faenza, which would have likely resulted in an encounter between this latter pope and Sabba, in La Controriforma nella città e diocesi di Faenza Faenza: Fratelli Lega, , S.

Castiglione, Ricordi, Fra Sabba da Castiglione, Milanese and Hospitaller military soldier restored this edifice in ruins from antiquity in the chosen year of the Lord under the great pontificate of Clement VII. See Lorenzo Savelli, Gli interventi edilizi realizzati da fra Sabba alla Commenda elencati in un documento coevo, in Sabba da Castiglione: See Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare Chicago: University of Chicago Press, The poem was composed of octaves in hendecasyllabic sdrucciolo sliding meter and consists of emotionally charged mythological content representing the author s theological inclinations.

Sabba s eclogue is a poem of moralizing in which a dilemma of pastoral love unfolds against a backdrop of bucolic topoi that include melancholy tears, rhetorical anguish, a locus amoenus, mythological tableaux involving bothersome nymphs, Ovidian transformations, and the personal intervention of deities.

The Venetians were in the habit of changing the calendar year on March 1, the so-called more veneto, and most studies about Sabba s poem give an incorrect publication date. Vita e Pensiero, , Only one edition of this pastoral was published, a tidy sixteen-sheet octavo vade mecum measuring Giancarlo Schizzerotto published it again after a year interlude in his Teatro e cultura in Romagna dal Medioevo al Rinascimento: Edizioni della Rotonda, , For this chapter, I have relied on modern Italian punctuation used by Schizzerotto.

It is probably correct to define the pastoral genre, even more so than other genres like the narrative epic, as il luogo dove un opera entra in una complessa rete di relazioni con altre opere, as evidenced in the Trecento when the classical genre resurfaced with Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio invoking numerous topical antecedents. Sabba exploits pastoral tropes from classical, medieval, and Renaissance antecedents that involve a wounded Cupid, a mountainous labyrinth, and a destructive amatory obsession involving several characters.

Only a realization of the meaning of love by the protagonist Clonico supplies the crucial element that cures him. Sabba s eclogue contains a brief, enigmatic introductory notice Al Lettore, presumably composed by the publisher, that precedes the octaves: Veggendo io che non pur si contentavano alcuni, invidiosi de lo altrui honore, di havere furtivamente suttratte queste rime a lo loro autore, ma ancora senza vergogna publicamente le recitavano come cose proprie, non mi sono potuto contenere avenga che io sia certo di far cosa non grata a chi le fece, per essere la opera imperfetta che io non le habbia fatte imprimere col titolo del loro vero autore, et tanto più per havere trovato la prima copia di suo mano.

Leggansi adunque per istanze di Sabba Castalio, et non di chi falsamante se gli usurpava. Nè mi sono curato di mandarle fuori sotto l ombra di alcuno signore et favorevole, perché mi rendo certo che la sua fama sia tale che non solo li suoi domestici amici, ma qualunque, a cui solo per nome egli sia noto, li sarà pronto difenditore contro le rabbiose lingue de maldicenti Maria Corti, Principi della comunicazione letteraria Milan: Bompiani, , Dante s contribution to the Trecento bucolic revival is modest, wherein late in life, between and , he wrote two short Latin hexameter pastoral poems both under verses to the Bologna professor Giovanni del Virgilio, with the intent of providing a defense of his vernacular Divine Comedy.

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Deputazione di Storia patria per l Emilia e la Romagna 3: È docto e saggio, e qui tra noi è un sole, Clemente ove si puote, e iusto ai rei, Splendido, e il nostro ben procura e vole.

These accessions are noted at the beginning of Book IV of Il libro del cortegiano: Ché, come sapete, messer Federico Fregoso fu fatto arcivescovo di Salerno; il conte Ludovico, vescovo di Baious; il signor Ottaviano, duce di Genova; messer Bernardo Bibbiena, cardinale di Santa Maria in Portico; messer Pietro Bembo, secretario di papa Leone [and eventually cardinal]. Both authors discuss the courtly system in depth and detail, and both authors mention numerous mutual acquaintances.

And they were distant relatives from the same patrician class with the same family name. Perhaps pride, animosity, or modesty prevented Sabba from ever mentioning Baldassarre in any of his works, including the Ricordi, which was first published in , eighteen years after Baldassarre died Atti del Convegno, Faenza, maggio , ed.

Olschki, , Baldassarre Castiglione, Il libro del cortegiano, ed. Mursia, , As Carlo Ossola points out, the court system is perpetually transforming and reformulating itself, from classical times to the present. A humanistic education and an appreciation of the classics did not necessarily clash with acceptance of orthodox theological precepts in mid-sixteenth-century Italy. The afterlife and its attainment were then a source of constant preoccupation. Disagreements from the late s onwards about grace and free will were two of the major issues separating the Protestant and Catholic camps, alongside their disagreements about sacraments and papal authority.

The extent of the temporal powers of the Vatican had occasionally been questioned before the Cinquecento. Its boundaries in central Italy became the main topic of dispute as the sixteenth century began. The pope was a Catholic prince, primus inter pares, although this dynamic was beginning to shift as well, for the little fiefdoms of the city-states were being realigned internally and foreign forces had begun attacking the peninsula.

As Fernand Braudel eloquently states: Alors surgissent des groupes plus larges, monstrueux: Autrement, comment désigner ces monstres? En , ce n est plus seulement le royaume de France qui intervient au-delà des monts, mais un Empire français, rêvé il est vrai.

Or, il n y a pas d Empire sans mystique, et dans l Europe occidentale, hors de cette mystique de la croisade, entre terre et ciel. L exemple de Charles Quint le prouvera bientôt Sabba expressed patriotic concern for the regional political strife perturbing Italy. Like Dante and Petrarch, Sabba embraced a cultural identity that bound disparate people together on the peninsula. The three editions of Sabba s Ricordi were written between the mids and mids, and the comments on the Curia in them reflect the early influences of the Paul III-inspired Council of Trent.

Sabba expresses a wary sense of always facing uncharted waters while cognizant of past upheavals that had tested the Italian psyche to its core. He works within the spiritually retrenched confines of an Italian patrician class that urgently seeks resolution to its generational crisis. Sabba had declined the official patronage of the Roman Curia even at a young age when his future professional success was by no means guaranteed.

In , Sabba had also declined the opportunity to serve as personal secretary to the newly elevated Pope Clement VII, himself a Hospitaller Knight and former preceptor of the Commenda faentina. He had already established himself as preceptor of the Faenza commandery and had no apparent intention of ever returning to the courtly world of major urban centers. Armand Colin, , 2: Sabba maximized all of his professional abilities by creating a solitarius lifestyle conducive to his predilections within his Order, an organization that was still powerful and respected.

Protestant reformers rejected religious orders and disbanded them. The European knighthood and especially the Crusades were widely disparaged in later centuries, both portrayed as cruel, wasteful, and corrupt. The history of the Hospitallers, however, does not conform to that image. Jonathan Riley Smith describes the military order ethos as sui generis, in which the prevailing mood remained penitential, and austerity was the dominant feature of knightly life: Five centuries later [during the sixteenth century], the fact that the Hospitallers had never lost touch with their obligations as nurses contributed in a major way to their salvation, unlike the Templars.

Festschrift for Anthony Luttrell, ed. Ashgate, , Ironically, such an entity was founded concurrently with Sabba s move to the Faenza preceptory, as a remedy to the general ineffectiveness of existing Catholic institutions in combating the Reformation.

This vacuum of Catholic leadership helped foster Ignatius of Loyola s Jesuit Order during a twenty-year period from the spiritual awakening of its leader to the legitimization of the Jesuit Order with the papal bull, Regimini militantis ecclesiae.

Working alongside the decrees of the Council of Trent of the s and s, the Society of Jesus was able to proselytize successfully in the latter half of the sixteenth century throughout Europe. Ignatius wrote the Jesuit Constitution in , the same year as Sabba s death, as an attempt to delineate precise rules for his Order to observe and to shield it from accusations resulting from its precocious success. For an interesting study describing gentlemen knights like Ignatius of Loyola who eventually pursue military objectives for the greater glory of God, see Mario Domenichelli, Cavaliere e gentiluomo: Origins and Topography 35 The humble origins of the Commenda faentina are traceable to a 19 March document cited by Giovanni Benedetto Mittarelli in Monumenta Faventina: Information regarding the early history of the Commenda di Santa Maria Maddalena della Magione del Borgo Durbecco di Faenza is scant, but Emilio Roberto Agostinelli has summarized its original topography.

In the twelfth century it was a simple church with a single nave whose entrance was on the northwestern side, with the apse on the southeastern edge of the property. Later a perpendicular, right angle quadrangular construction on the side farthest from via Emilia, on the western edge of the Hospitaller property, formed an L-shape whose corner pointed towards Jerusalem and provided a protective buffer whose inward frontal construction faced the city and walls of Faenza, about two hundred meters away.

A second L-shaped construction adjoining the 60 Lodovico Antonio Muratori, Ad scriptores rerum italicarum Muratorii accessiones historicae faventinae. Prodeunt nunc primum opera et studio J. Deputazione di Storia patria per l Emilia e la Romagna 3: Rivalta, La Chiesa della Commenda di Faenza, An arched portico three meters wide flanked the eastern edge of the nave, only a few centimeters from the edge of the via Emilia. On the southeasterly side, adjoining the apse was a rectangular bell tower over five stories high; the westerly border of the nave projected onto a quadriportico, the symmetric columned porticoes on all four sides surrounding a courtyard with a central cistern, the southerly edge of which was completed under Sabba s patronage in the late s, and the back of which faces the Levant, to the southeast.

The Hospitaller presence in Faenza was modest before Sabba s tenure, receiving scant notice in extant documentation, where the focus begins with Sabba s presence and his renovations of the Hospitaller compound: Ma colui che diede un nuovo volto alla chiesa e ai fabbricati annessi fu Fra Sabba della famiglia Castiglioni, o come dicesi comunemente da Castiglione, che prendeva possesso della Commenda del Borgo Durbecco nel From its concrete thirteenth-century Romanesque origins, the Commenda church appears to have had its ceiling height almost halved to an elementary barrel vault that is still in place.

Sabba was on duty in Rhodes or Rome in when he was appointed preceptor; he arrived in Faenza in , after his second tour in the Levant was completed. Faenza was a provincial city in Romagna under the dominion of the Manfredi family during the fifteenth century, until Cesare Borgia s conquests in the early s caused it to revert to his rule. Faenza s citizens subsisted on the fertile agricultural land surrounding it, while enjoying a lucrative trade in majolic ceramics renowned throughout Europe.

Borgia, however, broke his word and sent him as a prisoner to Rome and eventually ordered his drowning in the Tiber River. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, ,. Machiavelli s depiction of Romagna as essentially lawless, dangerous, and perpetually torn by internal strife provoked by competing feudal claims -- including those of the Faenza Manfredi clan -- became a lasting stereotype of this region for subsequent historians.

That image was reinforced by Francesco Guicciardini s depiction of personal experiences there, as told in his masterful twenty-volume Storia d Italia, which covers the pivotal years Guicciardini was a direct beneficiary of the Medici popes largesse, appointed by Leo X in governor of Modena and the following year governor also of Reggio Emilia.

He was made president of the papal province of Romagna in by Clement VII, with the express purpose of pacifying the turbulent region torn by factional strife. In he became lieutenant general of the papal army, encamped mainly throughout Emilia-Romagna during the s, quelling provincial dissent. Upon relinquishing his presidency, Francesco warned Iacopo that Romagna was difficult to subdue and manage, requiring constant diligent oversight and a firm hand to maintain discipline.

Francesco Guicciardini s written Istruzione delle cose di Romagna a suo fratello Iacopo seems meant not only for a loyal brother but also for posterity, should he be reproached at a later date. Cellini, , Non ha poco né facile peso chi ha il governo di questa provincia, perché oltre male natura degli uomini e le triste condizioni delle parzialità, e l non potere essere presente sempre in ogni luogo, e avere per questo a maneggiare il più delle faccende per mano de ministri, causa molti disordini; se una esatta e assidua diligenza del superiore non vi provvede, e se etiam non si vendica tanta riputazione e di.

Those seeking voyage to the Holy Lands in the late Middle Ages often traveled on foot not only to Ancona or Brindisi but also to Rimini; those travelling from northeast Italy the Veneto to Rome on pilgrimages likewise often crossed the Romagna territory.

As these itineraries indicate, the routes taken by the pilgrims relied heavily on the road-building initiative of ancient Rome, and the distribution of stopping-places bears the millennial imprint of the imperial system. On the Via Emilia especially one can trace the regular spacing of small towns that grew up round the old mutationes or staging posts, placed at intervals of seventeen to twenty Roman miles.

Typically the hospices of the Order of St. John were built at the east gate of the town and bore the name of St. John de Ultramare, to signify that they served the travellers to Jerusalem, rather than the growing number who sought the tomb of St.

Others were in the country, at difficult points on the road such as volere e di sapere fare bene, e di potere difficilmente essersi ingannato, e che le faccende tutte dependino da lui, che gli uomini gli abbino rispetto, e lo temino come se fussi sempre presente.

Faenza è città quieta, perché non vi è nessuno capo eccessivo sopra gli altri E in ogni occorrenza mi sono ingegnato tenergli satisfatti, perché Città da mantenersi amica per le vicinità delle cose di Toscana; e perché in uno accidente non si potrebbe fare conto alcuno di Città di Romagna, se non di questa.

Guicciardini had a predilection for Faenza, residing in Faenza proper for virtually all of ; Guicciardini spent more nights in this city than any other during his tenure as president of Romagna. Deputazione di Storia Patria per l Emilia e la Romagna: Edizioni Moderna, , The care of Hospitaller estates was awarded to a privileged few within the ranks, either those of high birth like the future Clement VII or knights who had performed admirable service during a caravan tour of duty like Sabba Castiglione.

The Faenza property, once the honorific Knight Hospitaller abode of a Medici cardinal, was a venue granted only to an individual held in high esteem by the Medici family as well as by the Hospitaller Order. The appointment of Sabba as preceptor in January occurred during the first Medici papacy, that of Leo X, , at a time this pope was promoting his friends and family to key posts, including ones formerly held by his Medici cousin Giulio, who preceded Sabba as preceptor of the Faenza commandery and, as Clement VII, would visit Sabba during two sojourns in Faenza.

Yale University Press, , As is typical with modern Italian roads, the Commenda faentina does not actually rest beside the socalled via Emilia, but on the Corso Europa between the river and the Commenda and to its immediate right begins the via Forlivese, which will go on for another one or two hundred meters before another name is given to the ancient road.

Adding to the confusion, the tiny square beside the Commenda s facade has inherited its own legal address: Rossetti Vescovo di detta Città Faenza: Gioseffo Zarafagli, reprint, Bologna: Forni, , Angelo alla incoronzaione di Carlo V in S. Petronio, Strenna storica bolognese 33 See also Giancarlo Schizzerotto, who succinctly states the following papal visits in Teatro e cultura in Romagna dal Medioevo al Rinascimento: Edizioni della Rotonda, , Il 22 ottobre Clemente VII, diretto a Bologna per incontrarvi Carlo V, lo visitava nella Magione e lo rivedeva una seconda volta al ritorno dalla capitale emiliana l undici aprile Francesco Lanzoni confirms the two visits by Clement VII and states there was a February visit by Paul III to Faenza, which would have likely resulted in an encounter between this latter pope and Sabba, in La Controriforma nella città e diocesi di Faenza Faenza: Fratelli Lega, , S.

Castiglione, Ricordi, Fra Sabba da Castiglione, Milanese and Hospitaller military soldier restored this edifice in ruins from antiquity in the chosen year of the Lord under the great pontificate of Clement VII. See Lorenzo Savelli, Gli interventi edilizi realizzati da fra Sabba alla Commenda elencati in un documento coevo, in Sabba da Castiglione: See Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare Chicago: University of Chicago Press, The poem was composed of octaves in hendecasyllabic sdrucciolo sliding meter and consists of emotionally charged mythological content representing the author s theological inclinations.

Sabba s eclogue is a poem of moralizing in which a dilemma of pastoral love unfolds against a backdrop of bucolic topoi that include melancholy tears, rhetorical anguish, a locus amoenus, mythological tableaux involving bothersome nymphs, Ovidian transformations, and the personal intervention of deities.

The Venetians were in the habit of changing the calendar year on March 1, the so-called more veneto, and most studies about Sabba s poem give an incorrect publication date. Vita e Pensiero, , Only one edition of this pastoral was published, a tidy sixteen-sheet octavo vade mecum measuring Giancarlo Schizzerotto published it again after a year interlude in his Teatro e cultura in Romagna dal Medioevo al Rinascimento: Edizioni della Rotonda, , For this chapter, I have relied on modern Italian punctuation used by Schizzerotto.

It is probably correct to define the pastoral genre, even more so than other genres like the narrative epic, as il luogo dove un opera entra in una complessa rete di relazioni con altre opere, as evidenced in the Trecento when the classical genre resurfaced with Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio invoking numerous topical antecedents.

Sabba exploits pastoral tropes from classical, medieval, and Renaissance antecedents that involve a wounded Cupid, a mountainous labyrinth, and a destructive amatory obsession involving several characters. Only a realization of the meaning of love by the protagonist Clonico supplies the crucial element that cures him.

Sabba s eclogue contains a brief, enigmatic introductory notice Al Lettore, presumably composed by the publisher, that precedes the octaves: Veggendo io che non pur si contentavano alcuni, invidiosi de lo altrui honore, di havere furtivamente suttratte queste rime a lo loro autore, ma ancora senza vergogna publicamente le recitavano come cose proprie, non mi sono potuto contenere avenga che io sia certo di far cosa non grata a chi le fece, per essere la opera imperfetta che io non le habbia fatte imprimere col titolo del loro vero autore, et tanto più per havere trovato la prima copia di suo mano.

Leggansi adunque per istanze di Sabba Castalio, et non di chi falsamante se gli usurpava. Nè mi sono curato di mandarle fuori sotto l ombra di alcuno signore et favorevole, perché mi rendo certo che la sua fama sia tale che non solo li suoi domestici amici, ma qualunque, a cui solo per nome egli sia noto, li sarà pronto difenditore contro le rabbiose lingue de maldicenti Maria Corti, Principi della comunicazione letteraria Milan: Bompiani, , Dante s contribution to the Trecento bucolic revival is modest, wherein late in life, between and , he wrote two short Latin hexameter pastoral poems both under verses to the Bologna professor Giovanni del Virgilio, with the intent of providing a defense of his vernacular Divine Comedy.

In conclusione, le Egloghe di Dante, al di fuori di un esercizio letterario o di uno scontro di posizioni culturali, rappresentano la giustificazione della poesia della Commedia in stile remissus et humilis: Castiglione, Lamento, publisher s note Al lettore, Ai. The final phrase, difenditore contro le rabbiose lingue de maldicenti, is a rhetorical detractor topos meant as a preemptive defense of his poem, such as evidenced in other major works, including the introduction to the fourth day of the Decameron.

Greek poet Theocritus, whose Idylls are the earliest known Western writings that deliberately and descriptively recount an earthly paradise for pastors, their locus amoenus, or idealized place of comfort. Theocritus s formula was imitated and transformed in the first century B.

Gods and shepherds mingle in Virgil s pastoral world; allegorical figures and metaphors populate his ten eclogues. In Virgil, Arcadia becomes a retreat for erudite poets and their friends, a place of solace affording clarification of man s intellectual and moral purpose and a place for examining 4 Giovanni Boccaccio, Tutte le opere, ed.

Mondaori, , See Simone Marchesi, Sic me formabat puerum: Paul Alpers, What Is Pastoral? Critical Inquiry 8 Since Virgil s time, the pastoral world has symbolized the life of retirement and leisure apart from the lust for gain and place which characterizes the city. This locale is a beneficent refuge; its narrow bounds represent the circumscription of desire, its simplicity is a welcome relief from the press of affairs in the great world. Petrarch reconfigures pastoral poetry to his particularized late medieval world and to his exigencies: Pastoral poetry is born therefore of suggestions from literary tradition as well as stimuli from a personal historical reality that the poet 8 Peter Marinelli, Pastoral Methuen: London, , For the definition of essential pastoral terminology, see Marinelli, pages , whereby pastoral is the most all-encompassing word acting as a pseudo-genre term, applying to any mixed poems of description or dialogue, part-narrative and partdramatic; idyll derives from the Greek word eidyllion, meaning image or picture, and it describes a short, descriptive or narrative poem possessing idealistic qualities; eclogue, which has come to mean a pastoral dialogue, comes from ecloge in Classical Greek, meaning merely a selection of an author s writings; bucolic, deriving from the Greek boukolos, a keeper of cattle as opposed to merely a shepherd or a goatherd, originally indicated an elevated status for the central figures in the story.

Yale University Press, Even if the allusiveness and programmatic obscurity of the poetic text make it difficult, if not impossible, to comprehend or pinpoint the bucolic scene s context, the depiction still may refer to autobiographical or period reality Petrarch s eclogues were highly esteemed in Renaissance Italy: The most obvious bucolic model for Petrarch and his contemporaries to follow was Virgil s Bucolics, while Theocritus was known by name only in the fourteenth century.

The late-fourth-century author Servius was another invaluable aid for the commentaries he provided on Virgil s formal features: A Critical Guide to the Complete Works, ed. Victoria Kirkham and Armando Maggi Chicago: University of Chicago Press, , Bergin, ed.

Garland, , liii. Boccaccio would compile the first anthology of bucolic poetry, including poems of Virgil, Dante, and Petrarch and, of course, his own. Boccaccio s Comedia delle ninfe, a prosimetrum work like Dante s Vita nuova, is deemed the first modern vernacular pastoral romance telling the story of a shepherd, Ameto, all the while commenting on the mercantile cultures of Florence and Naples the latter was Boccaccio s home as a young law student by way of the storytelling of its characters.

Vittorio Zaccaria, in Tutte le opere, ed. Mondadori, , Anthony K. Cassell and Victoria Kirkham, eds. University of Pennsylvania, , 22, make evident that the Caccia di Diana poem was not published until the nineteenth century, yet now provides us with an early allegoricalmythological scheme for Boccaccio s later vernacular poems. The Comedia delle ninfe fiorentine, by contrast, also called the Ameto or the Ninfale d Ameto, appears in twenty-nine manuscripts dating from the late fourteenth century and nine printed editions, the earliest one from For a modern critical edition which restores Boccaccio s original Latinisims and expunges later contaminations, see Boccaccio, Comedia delle ninfe fiorentine Ameto , ed.

Antonio Enzo Quaglio Florence: See also Boccaccio, Ninfale fiesolano, ed. Garland, , xiii-xxi. Boccaccio s verses, at their core, display pagan mythological content wherein Christian virtue is exalted by means of allegory.

The sources for Boccaccio s vernacular poetry are many and varied: Both works can be considered allegorical poems of Christian virtue triumphant. Deh, o bella fanciulla, non fuggire 18 Cassell and Kirkham, eds. Ninfale fiesolano , Excessive amatory impulses abound, with a persistent personification of Love as if it were a powerful individual commanding others to be constant in their amorous pursuits. The obsessed protagonist Africo characteristically claims good intentions, especially towards his newly beloved nymph Mensola; it is himself the protagonist most grievously intends to wound.

The poem will take a tragic turn to unintended consequences for the star-crossed lovers, an unintended pregnancy recalling Ovid s Callisto ravaged by Jupiter, as the mortal shepherd Africo sets off a chain of troublesome events, like Actaeon intruding upon a vengeful Diana: Ninfale fiesolano 87, 22 At the heart of the eclogue lies what Umberto Bosco defines as the nucleus of the genre: In the Florentine world, such pastoral 21 Boccaccio, Ninfale fiesolano, Ibid.

Le Monnier, , In Boccaccio s Comedia delle ninfe fiorentine and Ninfale fiesolano one also finds early examples of a vernacular pastoral where the allegorical intentions of the author are influenced by Virgil s Bucolics. Boccaccio s material is sometimes farcical and parodical, often bolstered by examples from mythology and history sometimes evocative of Dante and Petrarch.

Petrach discusses imitatio in letters espousing the transformative application of Seneca s famous apicultural and digestive metaphors in Epistulae morales 84 a central text for late medieval and Renaissance discussions of imitation , whereby a new literary product is born from a variety of sources and then concealed by dissimulation in the new context.

Pigman describes three versions of imitation to be found in Renaissance texts: Vallardi, , Paolo Orvieto, Boccaccio mediatore di generi o dell allegoria d amore, Interpres 2 See also Judith Serafini-Sauli, ed. Such imitation marks the new text as meant for the edification of erudite readers likely to recognize similarities between the original and the new texts and able to appreciate the conceits embedded in the new material.

Iacopo Sannazaro further invigorated the bucolic genre at the turn of the Cinquecento with his Petrarchan landscape and lovelorn motifs with Virgilian subject matter, all presented in a prosimetrum text. Sannazaro s Arcadia is a pastoral story that blends elements of the Virgilian text with Tuscan Trecento vernacular poetry, offering a shifting series of eclogues and prose twelve each for the final edition of , published two years after an unauthorized version interpreting such idyllic themes as an idealized pastoral setting, deep melancholy on the part of the protagonists, and political allegory which is veiled and difficult to decipher.

The theme of unfulfilled love, the great theme of Petrarch s Rime, is also making practically its first appearance in pastoral outside the Latin eclogue, and again its development was to be out of all proportion to such 27 Ibid.

Sannazaro is often incorrectly credited with being the first European writer to mix prose and verse in a pastoral composition. The credit actually lies with Giovanni Boccaccio s Comedia delle ninfe fiorentine, which is composed of prose and tercets. Boccaccio is also deemed the first writer of a pastoral composition in the vernacular. Sannazaro was well aware of the Trecento masters and the late Quattrocento ones as well , and his learned command of their writings was adapted for his own specific purposes; the result is a masterpiece of refined, lofty emotions under the guise of stylistic and formal simplicity.

Virgil s Coridon provided Classical authority for the theme, but only Valerius and the young Boccaccio had used the idea in the Middle Ages. In the fifteenth century it at last became possible to add Theocritus Cyclops to the list of love-sick pastoral figures; and the pastoral of Virgil, Theocritus, Petrarch and de Conti himself all worked on the imagination of Iacobo Sannazaro to produce the first great work of Italian pastoral, the Arcadia Enrico Carrara judged Arcadia to be a masterpiece of the genre.

Aristocratic in temperament, the pastoral provided authors such as Sabba an aulic language of amorous desperation, and a tradition of ethical purification through heroic deeds. By the s, it had become codified within certain hierarchical themes which in Italy were often derived from Boccaccio, Dante, Petrarch, and Sannazaro.

If we follow Renato Poggioli, pastoral poetry, at its core, is the exaltation of a particular conception of private life and reflects the spiritual autobiography of the writer cultivating it Sabba s Inclusive Language Use Sabba fondly mentions Iacopo Sannazaro and Pietro Bembo in Epistola de le lingue d Italia al Venerabile Padre, dated 1 May and addressed to fra Leandro Alberti, the Dominican in charge of the Bologna Inquisition in the s.

It appears at the end of the second and third editions of the Ricordi and Mediaeval into Renaissance Ipswich, UK: Harvard University Press, , Here Sabba appears as a proponent of the lingua cortigiana, or courtly language, inasmuch as it promotes variety. Perhaps Sabba added Iacopo Sannazaro and Vincenzo Calmeta, sustainers of a variegated, courtly style, as an embellishment meant to fortify his argument.

Then again, Pietro Bembo may have already proved receptive to Sabba s argument, when they talked face-to-face; Bembo left Sabba a copy of his Prose della volgar lingua during a visit to Padua, just months before Sabba composed his eclogue. Using bucolic landscape and language, Sabba concludes his remarks with a fanciful analogy on 32 Sabba Castiglione, Ricordi ovvero ammaestramenti, ed. Stefano Casanova, , An extant text in the Biblioteca Comunale di Faenza has the following handwritten notation: È di fra Sabba di Castiglione al quale esso M.

Non altro se non che alla P. That melancholy achieved through escapism and at the expense of human interaction should be eschewed seems an odd conclusion to the writings of a man whose overriding concern was the self-fashioning of a highly particularized solitarius et parvo contentus vixi motif: Sabba s linguistic opinions are not far removed from those of his cousin Baldassarre Castiglione s belief that Latin is the proper standard by which to gauge the vernacular.

Despite apparent resistance to the growing Tuscanization of Italian, Sabba and Baldassarre both decry a rigid linguistics imposed at the expense of a dynamic, living language, one that continually transforms itself in response to new experience and winnows out formulations that have lost their utility S. Castiglione, Giornale storico della letteratura italiana E una semplice pastorella, all ombra d un fronzuto albero senz altra arte di quella della natura, con sue rusticane canzonette, spesse fiate all orecchie di chi l ode porge piacere assai.

E alcuna volta in un diserto luogo tra sterpi e spini nasce un fiore, il cui naturale colore è assai più vago e dilettevole di quelli che sono con molta diligenza e con grand arte dipinti.

Sabba concludes his remarks to his nephew with the analogy of a spider spinning its web: Vedesi ancora un ragno, picciolo animaletto, senz avere imparato da altri che dalla natura, nei suoi naturali lavori esser tanto eccellente e mirabile, che ancora non è stato dall artificio agguagliato. But Sabba takes the mantra perhaps too far, suggesting that the use of the vernacular puts a work on a higher moral plateau. Overall, Sabba s Ricordi 56 preamble tends to equate linguistic pleasure with linguistic diversity.

Atti del Convegno, Faenza, maggio Florence: That Sabba argues for a plurality of voices and dialects at this time is a testament to his independent streak. The editor Paolo Gherardo provided the authoritative version in with the final contextual changes desired by the author and appears to have cleansed the work of excessive Lombard dialectal variations, as few exist within the text despite Sabba s protestations.

Unlike many of his peers, Sabba does not endorse the linguistic compromise offered by Bembo and others as a way to avoid the political quagmire that was Italy throughout the sixteenth century. He shuns the favoritism shown the better-established Tuscan language that perhaps inadvertently advanced peninsular unification. Sabba s Italian is la mia italiana lingua, et massimamente la lombarda per essere io lombardo, anzi pur lombardozzo, come dice il Tosco. Indeed, the final edition of the Cortigiano favors a lingua illustre, or illustrious language, that is far more homogenous than its own text suggests editorial changes notwithstanding and that ultimately takes into consideration the era s political debates and realities.

Sabba was a proponent of a national language that paid tribute to the Latin classics and respected the Trecento Tuscan literary tradition, but one that absorbed and deployed the best, most vigorous elements of Italy s regional dialects. Sabba embraces and employs neologisms, asserting that Dante and Petrarch themselves were well-disposed towards non-tuscan words, especially those with the possibility of entering the mainstream: E tanto più che Dante, Petrarca e Boccaccio, tre lucerne ardenti e inestinguibili del volgare nostro, non solamente usarono vocaboli toschi, ma di tutte le province d Italia, come manifestamente si vede per il discorso delle loro opere.

E il Petrarca si valse non solamente della italiana, ma della provenzale, come soggiorno, magione, chiere, merce, despitto e molte altre simili parole. E Dante, come riferisce Gio. Vela also believes that all Tirsi editions since the eighteenth century are incorrect hybrid versions based partly on the correct Vat. Lat Tirsi manuscript with the Cesare Gonzaga dedicatory epistle to. Both poems, composed 59 twenty years apart, are short, concise, and representative of the early Cinquecento.

The Tirsi probably provides Sabba s Lamento with key contextual topoi that describe a brief yet crucial rite of passage ending on a positive note and a change of heart initiated by a female mythological figure. The Lamento repeats the Tirsi story line with similar stock pastoral characters and exotic allegorical figures.

Both eclogues portray an idealized setting rife with personal anxiety. The key elements of Tirsi, as José Guidi remarks, are threefold: Tirsi is an encomiastic egloga recitativa dedicated to the Urbino court, specifically to Elisabetta Gonzaga, the Duchess of Montefeltro. The play is an introductory exercise by the newly arrived and newly appointed court authors Baldassarre Castiglione and Cesare Gonzaga as a token of their gratitude for the Montefeltro patronage. Tirsi s topoi are enacted in stock phrases spoken by characters deriving from the bucolic code developed by Theocritus, Virgil, Ovid, Boccaccio, Dante, Sannazaro, and Petrarch; the lyricism found in the Rerum vulgarium fragmenta is evoked Elisabetta Gonzaga but eventually contaminated by the princeps veneziana stamped version.

Subsequently, it was relied on in part in a revised second edition by Pierantonio Serassi and is still used by modern scholars such as Bruno Maier; for the first contaminated version, see Baldassarre Castiglione and Cesare Gonzaga, Stanze pastorali, del conte Baldesar Castiglione, et del signor Cesare Gonzaga, con le rime di M.

Anton Giacomo Corso Venice: Le Courtisan travesti, ed. Université de la Sorbonne Nouvelle, , Maria Corti broadens the key elements of the bucolic code to include an Arcadian setting or bucolic Eden ; divinities, pastors, and actual contemporaries co-existing; the daily life of pastors, consisting chiefly of music-playing and chatter about love woes; and a nexus occurring between the symbolic reality of the bucolic text and the historic reality of the writer s particular epoch.

See Corti, Metodi e fantasmi Milan: The play provides very little action; it is a vehicle for mythological allusions and courtly references -- with an encomiastic bow to feminine authority and benevolence in Urbino.

Iola is the first pastor the Urbino audience meets, and he stereotypically complains of being spurned by the lovely nymph Galatea. The second pastor, Tirsi, appears in the eighteenth octave, beseeching Iola s help in finding the goddess of his desires: Hora sí par che l colle i monti, Ove è la dea la qual tanto si noma: Di che el dio Pan assai ringratio e lodo, Ché d esser giunto qui troppo mi godo.

Tirsi 19 46 Bucolic references include a stream, the herd, the foliage of a Dantesque forest, Mount Parnassus, and the god Pan. Classical mythological elements are intermingled within a moment of celebratory idyllic fulfillment and Tirsi s expectations of meeting the as-yet unnamed renowned goddess.

The reference to Parnaso, the sacred mountain of Apollo and the Muses, as well as the references to the corte and the pastori, are references to the corte urbinate, wherein reside the pastori-poeti-cortigiani; la dea che tanto oggi si 45 See Guidi, Thyrsis, Baldassarre Castiglione and Cesare Gonzaga, Tirsi, ed. Claudio Vela, in La poesia pastorale nel Rinascimento, ed. Antenore, , Pan serves to reinforce 61 the bucolic ambience, being the protector of pastors, woods, and herds.

Iola is comforted only by his proximity to the elusive Galatea and his occasionally happy dreams concerning her. During Iola s second bout of despair, a third pastor, Dameta, appears in the thirtieth octave, the only octave in which all three characters speak, roughly the midway point of the poem and offers to accompany Tirsi on his quest.

At this juncture, specifically octaves , the context shifts from the mythological and pastoral to the encomiastic and urban, as Dameta delivers an extensive eulogy to the unknown goddess and her retinue of nymphs and literate pastors, apparently alluding to real-life intellectual figures residing at Urbino octaves , including Pietro Bembo octave E già le care tue dolci parole M hanno cotanto intenerito el core, Che prima che nel mar s atuffi el sole Disposto ho di vederla e farle honore. E ben del mio tardare assai mi duole, Perché degli anni mei persi ho il migliore.

Tirsi 49, 49 The spiritual conversion of Tirsi begins abruptly and will conclude shortly in the final octaves; Tirsi believes wholeheartedly what Dameta has just told him and reproaches 47 For Pan as an obligatory character within a pastoral context, see Virgil, Bucoliche, Ecloga X, Pan deus Arcadiae venit.

Claudio Vela, meanwhile, indicates that besides Bembo and the Magnifico, whose incipit verses are quoted in the Tirsi octaves 40 and 43, the identity of the other three cannot be ascertained. See Baldassarre Castiglione, Il libro del Cortegiano, ed. Castiglione and Gonzaga, Tirsi, His words of praise are interspersed with a final eulogy by Dameta to the Duke of Montefeltro An octave pastoral chorus 52 is immediately complemented by the final words uttered by Tirsi and final words of encouragement by Dameta: Ben li fia tempo, o Tirsi, aspetta alquanto Che altro ci resta anchor miglior che l canto.

Tirsi 53 50 The pastor Tirsi is fully enraptured by the eulogy pronounced by Dameta, as if he would wrong himself were he to abstain from the company of Elisabetta a courtly entourage.

Dameta responds with a detailed explanation of the moresca dancers to be seen performing octave 54 , followed by his final remarks extending hospitality and good cheer to Tirsi: Quivi ad agio vederla ben potrai; A cena e albergo poi meco verrai.

Here, at ease, he will behold her. Dameta even bestows upon him food and shelter, as tempting a locus amoenus as ever there was in a courtly Renaissance pastoral. Tirsi, the pastore externo, has left his patria and quickly found a secure, fulfilling venue in the idyllic, reassuring Urbino described by Dameta.

There is no anxiety or uncertainty in this play; the pastoral exaltation is pronounced and forceful, with the mythical Urbino of Dameta s dialogue as the spiritual apex for these learned pastors. Tirsi offers a positive resolution to the familiar pastoral dilemma of unrequited love.

There can be no time for hesitation in a octave play, which must praise its noble patrons and portray the learned pastors as willing and able to live beside such kindred spirits. The dimension of the shepherd s voyage is far more vividly portrayed by Sabba in the Lamento: But the salient action is the same for both poems: The poem s vision is idyllic within the bounds of its metaphors and allusions, a bucolic oeuvre à clef that requires some erudition on the part of the audience, but no great metaphysical sophistication to comprehend satisfactorily.

More importantly for our comparison to Sabba s eclogue, Tirsi s plot may commence in morose pastoral lethargy, but it culminates in a newfound alert aristocratic serenity.

And in both poems, it is a female divinity around whom fecundity and personal joy flourish, whereby all pastors can find renown, a tranquil environment, and spiritual peace:. Par che la terra e il fiume e il bosco rida, Ove el suo santo piede el passo piglia, E l aria intorno el suo bel nome grida, Ove ella volge le honorate ciglia. A questa ogniuno i suoi pensieri affida E sempre ha ben chi seco si consiglia: Tanto è prudente et ha in sé tanto amore, Portando sempre in fronte el sacro honore.

Tirsi 37 The goddess offers a nurturing environment full of laughter and good cheer, as well as protection to those whom i suoi pensieri affida, for she has tanto amore to give and a sacro honore to uphold. What begins for both poems as merely an encomiastic pastoral displaying prototypical bucolic motifs, now also displays a linguaggio aulico -- courtly language -- that seeks to sanctify the preordained role of the nobility and the sacro honore placed upon it.

In Tirsi one finds the unnamed dea, Elisabetta Gongaza, as represented in the 37th octave, walking amidst gaiety and laughter as if emanating from the terra, fiume, and bosco with her santo piede. In the same vein Sabba Castiglione explains his bucolic surroundings valle, montagne, bosco, prato o riva within the context of a sacrifice to Apollo in the holy temple: Allhor si sentirà pur d ogni canto risonar la mia dolce et chara piva 52 B.

Castiglione and Gonzaga, Tirsi, Bruno Maier suggests that the sacro honore in octave 37 refers either to the goddess s worthy pursuits or to the letter S put on Elisabetta Gonzaga s clothing, as later described in Baldassarre Castiglione s Cortegiano, when referring to Unico Aretino s allusion in the Cortegiano I, 9 to the Duchess s diadem in the form of a scorpion. Castiglione, Il libro del Cortegiano, ed. Lamento 65 Never will the bucolic topoi presided over by Apollo, the god of music and the Muses, be without Clonico s pleasing canto, as honor and sacrifice to this god will continue in perpetuity.

The beneficio of the sacrificio, the homage and the respect observed for a higher calling, ultimately enlightens these troubled pastors. A quick metaphoric scaling of the allegorical sacro colle by the pastors Tirsi and Dameta, much in the same vein as Clonico s feat, is the cleansing action that brings Tirsi into the fold and provides royal divine tutelage to worthy pastors: Tirsi, the earlier work, is still hopeful about the potential for principalities, the power of the courtly personalities, and the sacredness of the court and its prince and princess.

One should not forget the sacred representation of nobility that the encomiastic Tirsi is infused with, the divine tutelage by the nobility immediately embraced by the shepherd Tirsi: As time-specific as a brief pastoral play can be, Tirsi s encomiastic 54 B. Its eulogies are ultimately geared towards proclaiming the sanctity of the nobility: La tentative inlassablement répétée de Castiglione pour installer la vie de cour dans une dimension métaphysique, de manière à la soustraire parfaitement aux fluctuations de l histoire et aux ravages du temps, y trouve sans conteste l un de ses points d aboutissement.

La réalité n est évoquée, fût-ce au prix d une illusoire présentation des choses, que dans la mesure où elle peut confirmer cette impression de pérennité. The Tirsi is optimistic, playful, and full of life, as seen in the final archetypical solar image of regal and fatherly authority and of divinity itself, as witnessed in the brief eulogy to Guidobaldo: Dirti el tutto di lui mai non potrei: È docto e saggio, e qui tra noi è un sole, Clemente ove si puote, e iusto ai rei, Splendido, e il nostro ben procura e vole.

Mille e mille opre sue narrar saprei, Ma tempo è di dar fine alle parole, Percioché di lontan, s io non m inganno, Scorgo i pastor che al sacrificio vanno. Tirsi 51 56 The play quickly reaches its conclusion, the Duke s eulogy signaling the successful return of political order, and of clemency, so long as it does not infringe on a king s rightful power. Tirsi expresses unflinching enthusiasm for the permanence of the Urbino duchy. Unbeknownst to the two authors, in April , only a few weeks after the play s Guidi, Thyrsis, B.

Castiglione and Gonzaga, Tirsi, ; for solar symbolism, in both its positive and destructive aspects, see Matilde Battistini, Simboli e allegorie Milan: Electa Mondadori, , The sun can also be deemed a symbol of the god Apollo. The varying drafts and modifications by Baldassarre to his Cortegiano, until his own death in January in Toledo, Spain -- the same month that Sabba s Lamento was published -- provide the realization that Baldassarre has endured personal disappointment, political distress, and the death of many loved ones, including his pastoral co-author Cesare Gonzaga and many individuals who had been present at the Urbino court with Baldassarre and are present in Tirsi.

Towards the end of Book IV of the Cortegiano, when the discussion turns to princes and politics, the protagonists beseech heaven for a worthy prince, given the gloomy state of affairs in Italy: Allora messer Bernardo Bibiena ridendo, Signor Ottaviano, disse, voi entrate nella parte del signor Gaspare e del Frigio. Rispose il signor Ottaviano pur ridendo: Baldassarre s preface in the Cortegiano is a sad deliberation on famous courtiers that have died, and that, implicitly, could have ameliorated the geopolitical troubles and sense of powerlessness in Italy.

Sabba Castiglione, too, delves into Italian politics, extracting from Baldassarre s treatise both phrases and lexicon, and agreeing wholeheartedly in the 73rd ricordo, Qual deve essere il principe, with his cousin s views concerning good government and princely responsibilities: How else to interpret the citation to Plato s Republic within the context of skepticism about good government? Both Castiglione authors bring a courtly perspective grounded in a theological-scriptural perspective that remains discordant with the vagaries of Machiavelli and Guiccardini.

While beginning the Lamento eclogue in a pure pastoral setting involving three weary shepherds -- Coridon, Leandro, and Clonico -- the entry of Diana and her lengthy monologue alters the texture of the discourse, much as Dameta s discourse does in Tirsi. Sabba s pastor Clonico, in much the same vein as Baldassarre and Cesare s pastor Tirsi, is meant to ascend his particularized monte, towards a fontana to make a sacrifitio to a god that will erase past errors: Presso la celebrata et sacrata ara del biondo Apollo una fontana sorge d una acqua viva, fresca, dolce et chiara, che a chi ne gusta gran conforto porge.

Questa dal petto ogni fantasma amara et da la mente ogni error cieco scorge; poi che di questa harrai gustato alquanto tu ne verrai al sacrifitio santo. Lamento 61 B. Castiglione, Il libro del cortegiano, ed. What began for both poems as stock pastoral characters bemoaning beloved nymphs eventually brings into context the place and time of the authors respective decades. In the Tirsi one finds the unnamed dea ; in the Lamento one finds refuge in an Apollonian mount far more difficult to reach than Elisabetta s retreat.

The purification that occurs so swiftly and painlessly is the most unusual contextual thread found in the texts, one not repeated in other Italian pastorals of the early Cinquecento. Explanations are rendered that are so satisfactory and pleasant that emotional relief and comfort asuage both troubled pastors: Lamento , ; Tirsi: Tirsi 49, 63 Tirsi: Tirsi 53, B.

Castiglione and Gonzaga, Tirsi, Ibid. And all the deities in these eclogues are positive forces who try to ameliorate the human condition; the goddess-duchess in Tirsi and the goddess Diana, who exhorts the benevolent Apollo in Lamento, and all of the deities exhibit a positive force devoid of any ambiguity. Mysticism and mythological characters in these pastoral settings are rendered approachable and dignified, not menacing and selfabsorbed as in other contemporary pastorals.

Tirsi situates itself within the environs of Elisabetta Gonzaga, thereby also celebrating the Duke Guidobaldo Montefeltro, the most obvious beneficiary of the Urbino restoration: Mercé d un bon pastore, el qual governa Tirsi 50, 3.

Yet, above all other themes, rules the primacy of pleasure. Tirsi offers accessible allusions and a sprightly demeanor that rejoices in a newly reestablished post Urbino world order. In Sabba s more perturbed Lamento, written over twenty years after Tirsi, the bucolic spectrum shifts, tending towards a military-religious ethos listing numerous allegorical figures and an extensive array of pious acts required of Clonico for redemption.

Sabba s eclogue is already at a crossroads between the early stage of Baldassarre s literary career Tirsi in , which is still infused with hope and good cheer, and the demeaning failure of the Italian courtly ideal during later decades of the Cinquecento Il libro del cortegiano, edizione princeps 65 Ibid.

The acerbic Lamento of 72 Sabba shows signs of severe strain and anxiety, holding on to mere fragments of idyllic comfort. Francesco Guicciardini, Romagna s president and Machiavelli s host at the time, mentions Sabba only once in his writings -- in a somewhat ambiguous statement -- in a letter from Faenza in July Sabba was a friend to both Guicciardini and Machiavelli, and the vocabulary and content of the canzoni tend towards the world of nymphs and shepherds later explored by Sabba in the Lamento.

Guicciardini had relinquished his post of 66 Francesco Guicciardini, Carteggi di Francesco Guicciardini, vol. Einaudi, , The play was probably not performed at this particular time, at least not with its author or the erstwhile president in attendance. The relatively late appearance of these canzoni, coupled with textual allusions relating to political turmoil and unstable social mores interspersed throughout the play and poems, render their structural relation to the play interesting, especially given the fact that the five poems were never published until the Settecento.

Dalle origini al Cinquecento Turin: Gargnano del Garda 30 settembre-2 ottobre , ed. Cisalpino, , Machiavelli, Opere II, Even the erudite Florentine 74 Guicciardini was unsure of the precise meaning of some of the comedy.

And the actors were local romagnoli, apparently not well versed in the Tuscan dialect. In a letter of January 3, , Machiavelli offers Guicciardini five canzoni for a musical group composed of one nymph and three pastors: E che lei [Barbera] et io abbiamo pensato a venire, vi se ne fa questa fede: In the first of these five so-called intermezzi, the protagonist is the personification of Amore, recalled in jovial Petrarchan phrasings.

The opening canzone provides a soliloquy on the fleeting nature of life, its uncertainties, and the need to flee noia with love s guidance: Perché la vita è brieve E molte son le pene Che vivendo e stentando ognun sostiene; Dietro alle nostre voglie, Andiam passando e consumando gli anni, Ché chi il piacer si toglie Per viver con angosce e con affanni, Non conosce gli inganni 71 Ibid. The autograph originals attached to the letter are no longer extant. Two of the poems, those after the first and third acts, were not original; they had been used in Machiavelli s Clizia.

Per fuggir questa noia, Eletta solitaria vita abbiamo; E sempre in festa e in gioia, Giovin leggiadri e liete ninfe, stiamo.

Ancor ci ha qui condutti Il nome di colui che vi governa, In cui si veggon tutti I beni accolti in la sembianza eterna. Encomiastic in tone, the first poem alludes to the Guicciardini-sponsored celebrations within a generalized pastoral theme.

Machiavelli embraces this imagery by evoking a distant, spring-like atmosphere with nymphs and pastor, an inevitably stylized and artificial setting wherein he praises his friend Guicciardini while also rendering homage to Petrarch.

The prevailing sentiments are certainly Florentine in nature, and blend with the vernacular topoi of fleeting time and love s universality and inevitability, organically fusing the poetic sentiments with dramaturgic exigencies.

A restlessness without pause, L amoroso pensero ch alberga dentro, has overwhelmed the poet in absolute, suicidal, and obsessive terms.

The passionately smitten poet s heart dominates his daily life, spoiling the bucolic scenery as a source of tranquility that allowed him to lead an exemplary solitary life. Nature is reduced to being a spectator to the poet s sorry condition; staying in its midst saddens him, and fleeing is futile: O poggi, o valli, o fiumi, o selve, o campi, o testimon de la mia grave vita, quante volte m udiste chiamar morte!

Rerum vulgarium fragmenta LXXI, 75 The corroding presence of Amore is ubiquitous in the canzone, an overriding emotion that triggers dolore for its being unrequited. Machiavelli projects a jovial atmosphere in his opening canzone, and the expanded dramaturgical content means to demystify the moral and political hypocrisy of early Cinquecento Florence by paying homage to Love s power -- and inevitabilty -- as 74 See Bruni, Gli intermedi della Mandragola, Francesco Petrarca, Canzoniere, ed.

Roberto Antonelli, notes Daniele Ponchiroli Turin: Chi non fa prova, Amore, Della tua gran possanza, indarno spera Di far mai fede vera Qual sia del cielo il più alto valore; Né sa come si vive, insieme, e muore, Come si segue il danno e l ben si fugge, Come s ama se stesso Men d altrui, come spesso Timore e speme i cori adiaccia e strugge; Né sa come ugualmente uomini e dei Paventan l arme di che armato sei.

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